Read the full article here: https://rdcu.be/Lpyi Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992. Lexington, Plymouth, 2014. Arendt ironisierte gegen die, wie sie wohl fand, etwas gewaltsame Aneignung des Hamburger Senats, dessen Verhältnis zu … Beide stellen Macht als eine Potenz vor, die sich in Handlungen aktualisiert; aber jeder legt ein anderes Handlungsmodell zugrunde. Modelle des öffentlichen Raums: Hannah Arendt, die liberale Tradition und Jürgen Habermas Von Seyla Benhabib Unterscheidungen zu treffen, ist immer ein schwieriges und riskantes Unterfangen. politique d’Hannah Arendt semble recouper celle de Jürgen Habermas. Google Scholar. On the other hand, the analysis of the concrete examples demonstrates the limits of the applicability of this theory as a model of a description of contemporary revolutions. The second part examines Arendt's notion of the public sphere as compared with the concept of the public sphere of early Habermasian writing. It argues against an idealistic interpretation of Habermas and for a cultural-materialist understanding of the public sphere concept that is grounded in political economy. Unterscheidungen können eine Streitfrage sowohl erhellen als auch unklar werden las- differing opinions. On Totalitarianism and the Tradition of Western Political Thought. Versuch einer empirischen Prüfung 2.2. Visibility, Open Cisterns, Çukurbostan, Arendt, Public Space. L'A. this issue, conceptualizing the transformations taking place in the public sphere under the influence of Internet communication technologies, taking their political context into account, and identifying the relationship between these changes and possible transformations of political regimes. e most vivid example of this kind of h, tionary processes during the Arab Spring; discussions and self-o. These can be brought together— with some themes they neglected—to help develop a stronger theoretical grasp of the problems and potential of democratic publics. The video version of the inaugural lecture is available at: Thus for Arendt civil disobedience reaffirms the creation, also fostered by the In Habermas and the Public Sphere , edited by Craig J. Calhoun, 73-98. In order to achieve these goals, several tasks are tackled during this research. and such general scholarly approaches as systematic, structural-functional and bibliographic ones. mind, I then consider Arendt’s proposal, put forward in her essay “Civil Disobedience,” for This research demonstrates the importance of implementing the notion of authority as a special phenomenon of the public realm/space into a theory and practice of public administration and argues for developing new methods and instruments to support it. in the Historical Peninsula. On the one hand, activism in the sense of a deliberative and participatory democracy, to convey their political views to a wide audience (Elmer, and members of small groups with highly specialized inter, Sunstein, ): social media has been not only destroying some boun, also creating new ones. This article brings and analyzes them together on the common basis of the model of “political public sphere.” The first section examines the issue as to whether the concept of the public sphere can be used in a non-democratic context. Основная, цель статьи заключается в том, чтобы переосмыслить происходящие в современной, публичной сфере изменения с позиций политической теории Ханны Арендт, части статьи анализируются основные актуальные изменения, происходящие в публичной, сфере под влиянием социальных медиа. On the other hand, the architectural shape of the stadium hides the 1600-year old walls of the cistern. In other words, the digitalization of the public sphere contributes to the strengthening of the social and political activities of citizens, opens the way for non-professional politicians and public persons (Elmer, Langlois, McKelvey, 2012: 6) as well as for members of those groups for which it was previously closed, Even before the emergence of worldwide phenomena such as Brexit and the rise of populist right-wing politics, scholars have been long interested in the phenomena of social influence. Lexington, Plymouth 2012. making the spirit of the law compatible with civil disobedience. is mut, in common. Das Zentrum ihrer Überlegungen ist die Politik ii . However, we know less about how conformity pressures affect one’s deeply held political values and opinions. Na, of the members of certain social groups from the pub, groups can become marginalized from the lar, echo chambers with very similar views and interests o, to fake news, and to the radicalization of their agenda in o, reach a consensus with other societal groups, bu, number of social media users are barely perceptib, ). Keywords: Arendt, civil disobedience, revolution, consensus universalis, law, transmission. Therefore, the cistern is not visible, physically and perceptionally. relational dimension and its links to the consensus universalis, seen resilience. Arendt, fondee sur la notion aristotelicienne de liberte publique. Kritik an Hannah Arendt 3. assert their public freedom, thereby adding something new to the world and exercising their L'A. 3: Models of Public Space: Hannah Arendt, the Liberal Tradition and Jürgen Habermas by Seyla Benhabib, in Situating the Self: Gender, Community and Postmodernism in Contemporary Ethics. Auch im Hinblick auf ihre Beurteilung der Rolle von Wahrheit im Bereich des Praktisch-Politischen sind die Positionen von Hannah Arendt und Habermas einander diametral entgegengesetzt. This article attempts to take a comprehensive approach to this issue, conceptualizing the transformations taking place in the public sphere under the influence of Internet communication technologies, taking their political context into account, and identifying the relationship between these changes and possible transformations of political regimes. In this review article, we trace back the study of social, The question of how the digital transformation of the public sphere affects political processes has been of interest to researchers since the spread of the Internet in the early 1990s. of the law, discussing its, The paper examines the relation between the public realm and revolution, the two central concepts of Hannah Arendt's political philosophy. From this perspective, I explain how civil disobedience allows citizens to Drawing on past research regarding face-to-face social relationships, we examine whether online linkages possess some of the central characteristics common in more traditional forms of networks. 1, S. 16, und II, Kap. This article attempts to take a comprehensive approach to, The Transmission of the Revolutionary Spirit: We analyze network polarization as Finally, I discuss the ramifications of social media’s setting the stage for worldlessness to spin out of control, as the public square becomes an intangible web. Hannah Arendt, on the contrary, understands power as the ability to agree upon a common course of action in unconstrained communi-cation. ��yW&�V����e`�ذ�dB�}�as�ؙŭ,�L���k�|%�oL�����\����e�Ld��l~v-�z�.5�zoV�x�U�W�܅ߴx��O]��� �_�4x�Z��>��. These spaces serve as an alternative to traditional ones, are more open for participation, allowing citizens to "cooperate and express their opinions, and serve as watchdogs over society on a peer-production model" (Benkler, 2006: 177), and to "reorient themselves from passive readers and listeners to potential speakers and participants in a conversation" (213). The third section considers the special aspects of the digital transformation of the public sphere in a non-democratic context. Social media has become a key term in Media and Communication Studies and public discourse for characterising platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, Wikipedia, LinkedIn, Wordpress, Blogspot, Weibo, Pinterest, Foursquare and Tumblr. is is the world which “is commo, dialogue in the past; Habermas’ model is in the bourg, to repair it. Sekundärer Zweck der Macht 2.3. the enjoyment of public happiness. Der Begriff der Macht bei Hannah Arendt, analysiert von Jürgen Habermas (German Edition) [Francke, Kevin] on Amazon.com. is one aspect of Arendt’s thought which represents a powerful spur towards a positive and In the third part, I rethink the existing trends in the development of the digital public sphere from Arendt's standpoint. Bizans döneminde, kentin tepe noktalarına yerleştirilen açık su sarnıçları tarihten bu yana değişen işlevleriyle günümüze kadar gelebilmişlerdir. The aim of this paper is to take up Hannah Arendt’s analysis on civil disobedience. Jürgen Habermas: Faktizität und Geltung. Aetius Sarnıcı'nın bugün kamusal alan olamayışı, stadyum kullanımının sarnıcın duvarlarının üzerini örtmesi ve 1600 yıllık değerinin göz ardı edilmesi gibi bulguların tespit edilip sarnıcın görünebilirliliğinin sağlanabilmesi durumunda, Tarihi Yarımada gezi rotalarına yeni bir varış noktası eklenerek anlamlı bir bütün oluşturulacağına inanılmaktadır. Join ResearchGate to find the people and research you need to help your work. Abstract We suggest that research on political homophily on the Internet should take the political culture and practices of users seriously. Extant research shows that social pressures influence acts of political participation, such as turning out to vote. finding that supports show a very strongly polarized structure with respect to Using a discussion-based experiment, we untangle the unique and combined effects of information and social pressure on a political opinion that is highly salient, politically charged, and part of one’s identity. Participants that change their opinion due to social pressure in our experiment are more conservative politically, conscientious, and neurotic than those that did not. The study used a range of logical methods (synthesis, analysis, inductive method, etc.) : Predicting, Dahlberg L. () Rethinking the Fragmentation of the Cyberpublic: F, Fraser N. () Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contrib, Fuchs C. () Social Media and the Public Spher, tics//number-of-worldwide-social-network-users/, yakh revolyutsii: vzglyad iz perspektivy Khanny Aren, Кандидат философских наук, ведущий научный сотрудник Центра ф, Национального исследовательского университета «Высшая школа экономики», Адрес: ул. (Polity Press, Cambridge, England, 1992). Car il y a un lien entre la vision historique de l’espace publique chez le sociologue allemand et la démarche de définition du politique chez la théoricienne du politique. In light of the results, theory about exposure to different ideological viewpoints online is enhanced. Kap. Depois de uma investigação crítica da ideia de revolução de Arendt e de sua tese sobe o impacto da revolução no âmbito público, investigaremos brevemente vários exemplos de revoluções modernas a partir do ponto de vista arendtiano para chegarmos a uma conclusão sobre a aplicabilidade atual dos argumentoschave de Arendt sobre violência, poder, questões sociais, ação política coletiva e comunicação. Die Eigensinnigkeit des Politischen – Hannah Arendt und Jürgen Habermas über Macht und Herrschaft. ��;�Q����G@|�G`��떀2�#��t�r w_�]�z_��ƍ3�Ʈ��v������iH���� Q.�z��/W�����"�����}�(��L|��O0��s4@Dv�V���yT?s��oA�w-�YFW��|��*�%��X����1�rz��'����3d������a�g�w�6��Wf�{�x�O58AxF@��yU��|��/���t\��f���Ԅh�f� 6�;���,����`�U9���**����2�"��&PV�D�T�e�ӟQ�֘��jQZ4]�n3���|�W��D`�s꾸�$ʢW�)ܛr� �s�d�y���g]�'��KVzluP��s_㩟@ȼ�p�����7sw�}2��j�3`� von Jürgen Habermas. Studienarbeit aus dem Jahr 2004 im Fachbereich Politik - Internationale Politik - Allgemeines und Theorien, Note: 2,0, Carl von Ossietzky Universität Oldenburg, Veranstaltung: Grundbegriffe der Politikwissenschaft, 10 Quellen im Literaturverzeichnis, Sprache: Deutsch, Abstract: Der Begriff der Macht ist ein nicht leicht zu fassender. Nach altgriechischem Ideal ist gemäß Hannah Arendt die Teilnahme an der Öffentlichkeit der Polis auf der Agora dem freien Bürger vorbehalten, der die Lebensnotwendigkeiten des privaten Haushalts überwunden hat und in die freie Sphäre der Öffentlichkeit übergehen kann. Distinctions Ar, an ourish (see Habermas, : –). Fazit Literaturnachweis ): Die Zukunft des Politischen, Frankfurt/M., S. 142-179. responsibility. e rest is, their issues to be a part of the general agenda. 4, pp. P… is phenomenon is especially vividly manifested on the pages o, where personal information about family a, Benhabib S. () e Embattled Public Sp. In addition, levels of homophily are higher in the network of reciprocated followers than in the nonreciprocated network. Die Unterscheidung von öffentlicher, semiöffentlicher und privater Kommunikation in Verbindung mit verschiedenen Formen sozialer Beziehungen erlaubt konzeptionelle Differenzierung, ohne den Öffentlichkeitsbegriff zu überdehnen. e present paper is dedicated to the pheno, e main goal of the article is to nd a new approac, main actual changes taking place in the public sphere un, modern public sphere than the classical Habermasian co, the existing trends in the development of the digi, cial media can open new ways for self-organiza, (knowledge, skills, nancial means), citizen participation, a, of social networking services, the public sphere can be purposefully built up, info, Social Sciences” carried out within the framework of the Basic Research Program a, (), needs some rethinking in order to f, describing social reality in the digital era. Unterscheidung verschiedener Modelle 3.2. Power / BY JURGEN HABERMAS IVIax Weber defined (Macht) as the possibility of forc-ing one's own will on the behavior of others. of interaction contains relevant information, where comment groups follow as a conscious, wholehearted adhesion to the laws of a country. Başka bir deyişle, kamusal alan Arendt tarafından insanların birbirine "göründüğü" özneler arası bir alan olarak algılanmakta ve bireylerin bu görünümler aracılığıyla ortaklaşa hareket ederek politik faaliyetleri etkilediği düşünülmektedir. 1. But Republicans who follow official Republican accounts exhibit higher levels of homophily than Democrats. Mit Hannah Arendt, Richard Rorty und Jürgen Habermas untersucht der Aufsatz, inwiefern sich politisches Geschichtenerzählen zwischen Kommunikation und Wahrheit sowie Narration und Enthüllung bewegt. The present paper is dedicated to the phenomenon of the public sphere which is currently undergoing significant transformations under the influence of the Internet and social media. Sie hatte im Sommer 1968 begonnen diesen Essay auszuarbeiten. Hannah Arendts Machtbegriff 2.1. is elitist idea is fo, surage as we understand it today; for only those who as vol, e crucial issue of the modern public sphere from a, changed almost beyond recognition the meanin, for the life of the “individual and the citizen, the penetration of the social with its characteristic patterns o, sphere has a destructive eect on the latter: instead of co, tion of the political by the social, the public sphere turns in, social” makes action itself impossible, for i, in closed or semi-closed communities of like-minded people, that i, of blurring the boundaries between the public sphere a, to their destruction and the following fusion int, merging the borders between the public and the priva, ited, and when audience restriction mecha, in the publicization (also politicization a, is exposed in the public realm or used for political and economic g, cal idealistic understanding of public spher, and social media. The concluding section summarizes the results of the study, states the existing gaps and difficulties, outlines the ways for their possible extension, and raises questions requiring attention from other researchers. Hannah Arendt, Jürgen Habermas, and Rethinking the Public Sphere in the Age of Social Media 2018, vol. 9. montre que le republicanisme d'H. After explaining how online activities resemble (or not) her notion of the social, I demonstrate how the rise of the social, which she characterized as dominated by behavior (not action), ruled by nobody and occurring nowhere, continues to eclipse both private and public space at an alarming pace. Paradoxically, defining the cisterns as visible is not possible in today's Istanbul, despite their historical background. The Origins of Totalitarianism, published in 1951, was Hannah Arendt's first major work, wherein she describes and analyzes Nazism and Stalinism as the major totalitarian political movements of the first half of the 20th century. as a political public space even aerward. Hannah Arendt hingegen versteht Macht als die Fähigkeit, sich in zwangloser Kommunikation auf ein gemeinschaftliches Handeln zu einigen. Arendt, fondee sur la notion aristotelicienne de liberte publique. It concludes that these limits can only be overcome if the colonisation of the social media lifeworld is countered politically so that social media and the Internet become public service and commons-based media. Hannah Arendt (/ ˈ ɛər ə n t, ˈ ɑːr-/, also US: / ə ˈ r ɛ n t /, German: [ˈaːʁənt]; 14 October 1906 – 4 December 1975) was a German-born American political theorist. A scholarly novelty of the article is an outline (definition) for the new developments in public administration under the influence of changes in democratic political systems as they were foreseen by Hannah Arendt. 2. ere are many closed and semi-closed comm, semi-public or semiprivate. ORDER: CONVERGENCE IN HANNAH ARENDT AND JURGEN HABERMAS FAHR‹YE ÜSTÜNER* Middle East Technical University ABSTRACT H. Arendt’s and J. Habermas’conceptions of public sphere often have been studied independently in the literature. HAKİKAT SONRASI DÖNEMDE SİYASAL İLETİŞİM YÖNETİMİNİ YENİDEN DÜŞÜNMEK ÜZERE NİTELİKSEL BİR ARAŞTIRMA YÜKSEK LİSANS TEZİ, The Digital Transformation of the Public Sphere, Its Features in the Context of Various Political Regimes, and Its Possible Influence on Political Processes, Tarihi Yarımada’nın Görünmeyenlerini Görmek: Aetius Sarnıcı’na Arendtçi Bakış/ Seeing the Invisibles of the Historical Peninsula: Arendtian View of the Cistern of Aetius, Power and Authority: changes in public administration from Hannah Arendt’s political philosophy view, Surfing the Public Square: On Worldlessness, Social Media, and the Dissolution of the Polis, The effects of information and social conformity on opinion change, The public realm and revolution: Hannah Arendt between theory and praxis, Echo Chamber or Public Sphere? Wolfgang Heuer: Hannah Arendt. DOI: 10.1007/978-3-531-93469-3_11 Corpus ID: 169870287. We then report some preliminary analyses of small samples from those networks. • La citoyenneté : essence du politique et … A brief introduction to Facebook is presented, along with an assessment of the benefits and limitations inherent in research regarding Facebook networks. In light of the results, theory about exposure to different ideological viewpoints online is enhanced. Using a combination of machine learning and social network analysis we classify users as Democrats or as Republicans based on the political content shared. platform focused on political activity, in which politicians interact by "Models of Public Space: Hannah Arendt, the Liberal Tradition, and Jurgen Habermas." Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992. III, VII u. VIII u. Habermas 1996, Kap. Meine Ausführungen schließen mit einer kurzen Einschätzung von Arendts und Habermas' Beitrag zur Frage der Artikulation von Ethik und Politik. It also delineates two main types of the public sphere, the “democratic public sphere” and the “authoritarian public sphere,” in order to take into account the features of public discourse in the context of various political regimes. Во второй части т, концепция публичной сферы в теории Арендт, концепции с концепцией публичной сферы из раннего периода творчества Юрг, арендтовская концепция публичной сферы лучше подходит для понимания феномена, современной публичной сферы, чем классическая хабермасианская теория. Distinctions x��˒�ƕ��x�o�Q�H�iV�Fa�l�ǡ��BҢ�)U��(tS6g��Ы�3�?���)�#�2���'�����薫��z�s��ε߻���}�Ň�{��-.�>��q����w��b�s��f�߸������?��ݧ��K�t�?�oܬ����M�͚������p����P�\���p���G.��0�m�u_3�����7��s�_�/�/\_s�*W���ZE��C}�~�>�`���3��o�j�p���^ of modern social and political processes. is to build their own small world together with like-minded person, ing), Arendt, in fact, directly says that the fragmen, small local public spaces can be almost the only opportunity under the condi, endt, Schmid, : ). erefo, dinary citizens in modern society refuse to participate in political life in favor of priva, is a too- great distance between individuals and the decision-making level in m, ant states, which triggers the sense of alienatio, understood very well that direct discussion and joint decision-making a, or small local communities — soviets (in terms of the Ru, meetings (in terms of the American Revolution) — was im, time, the emergence of social media provides new opportuni, could be ideally presented as a kind of multi-level co, mini-public spheres where the political life o, is then that these mini-public spheres, or e, derstood as some sort of councils, the historical examp, local public spaces, the increased fragmentation of the modern public sph, her council theory does not look like such an unambiguous p, be in the light of classical Habermasian public s, modern public sphere could be considered b, . meaningful view of the world we live in. stream The findings show that the cistern turned into a semi-public space, because a stadium is open only when there is a football match. 17, No. Abstract. The question of how the digital transformation of the public sphere affects political processes has been of interest to researchers since the spread of the Internet in the early 1990s. Ханна Арендт, Юрген Хабермас, публичная сфера, публичное пространство. No curso de nossa análise, também responderemos à questão sobre a aplicabilidade da concepção de Arendt sobre revolução no contexto moderno. We find that structures of political homophily differ strongly between Democrats and Republicans. Habermas 1992, insbes. %��������� revolutionary spirit, of a space of permanent participation in public life: a shared arena for Abschließend skizziert der Beitrag einige Folgen des Aufstiegs von Semiöffentlichkeit für Kommunikation, Medien und Gesellschaft. • La citoyenneté : essence du politique et … Dabei spielen vor allem semiöffentliche Kommunikationsbeziehungen eine große Rolle, die weder privat noch öffentlich, sondern graduell dazwischen verortet werden können. Political polarization is traditionally analyzed through the ideological Jürgen Habermas: Hannah Arendts Begriff der Macht. Der Begriff der Macht bei Hannah Arendt, analysiert von Jürgen Habermas (German Edition) Her many books and articles have had a lasting influence on political theory and philosophy. Publics, Publicness, and the Public Sphere The second section discusses the special aspects of the digital transformation of the public sphere in a democratic context. layer of likes evolves in time, increasing close to the federal elections of 4 0 obj Bearing these two points in Auf die bedeutenden Unterschiede zwischen Arendt und Habermas, die auch für den restlichen Teil der vorliegenden Darstellung von Bedeutung sind, wird hier nicht näher eingegangen (zu Habermas' Auffassung s. die zwei Arendt-Aufsätze in Habermas 1981b).